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Mamdani Gets a Brutal Lesson as DSA Leftists Turn on Their Own [WATCH]

Mayor Mamdani is discovering that leading New York’s socialist movement into City Hall does not guarantee loyalty from the activists who followed him there. Despite being described as Gotham’s most radical mayor on policing, Israel, and taxing the rich, he is now being denounced [1] by members of his own political camp.

The spectacle exposes what Michael Goodwin calls the absurdity of both the moment and the movement. Some activists appear to view their new political power as absolute, leaving little room for compromise with New Yorkers who hold opposing views.

Darializa Avila Chevalier stands out among Mamdani’s tormentors. She won a Democratic primary last summer against long-term congressional incumbent Adriano Espaillat after receiving Mamdani’s endorsement in an upper Manhattan and Bronx district where she previously was little known.

Chevalier has now turned her fire on the mayor, largely because he has not fired NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch. Her attack followed an incident in which ICE agents shot and wounded a wanted illegal immigrant with a criminal record who was attempting to escape by car with a child in the back seat.

“Last night, the NYPD and Commissioner Tisch violated the spirit, if not the letter, of our sanctuary city policies and fueled the Trump Administration’s attempt to demonize our communities,” Chevalier wrote on social media. She also demanded that Tisch be removed.

City Hall regarded the attack as a betrayal from a candidate who wanted and needed Mamdani’s support. One aide told The Post that even before Chevalier wins the general election or takes office, her statement “is a direct undermining of Mamdani.”

Goodwin argues that this behavior follows a familiar pattern. Activists who spent years on the political sidelines finally taste power, then immediately begin fighting among themselves and punishing allies who fail ideological purity tests.

For Mamdani, the revolt represents his first serious outbreak of turmoil among his own supporters since taking office. Pro-Palestinian activists, antisemites, and police haters are now calling him a sellout, even as many other New Yorkers already strongly oppose him.

Goodwin compares Mamdani’s predicament with the political suffering of Lyndon Johnson nearly six decades ago. Johnson took office after John F. Kennedy’s death and pursued the Great Society, an ambitious expansion of the federal government’s role in American life.

Working with Republicans and pressuring reluctant congressional Democrats, Johnson secured civil rights and voting rights protections for black citizens. He also created Medicare and Medicaid, built major public housing developments, and launched public broadcasting.

Yet the Vietnam War consumed Johnson’s presidency and damaged his standing among Democrats. At the height of his domestic accomplishments, he also faced criticism from people who had supported his agenda and benefited from it.

Joseph Califano, then Johnson’s chief domestic adviser, described one telling confrontation from the turbulent summer of 1967. Johnson had invited NAACP leader Roy Wilkins and Urban League Executive Director Whitney Young to the White House while seeking support for his response to riots in Detroit and Newark.

Wilkins and Young largely agreed with Johnson’s broader agenda, but they were in despair over the violence and said they could not control the young rioters. Johnson responded by attacking the intolerance he saw among liberals within his own party.

“A liberal is intolerant of other views. He wants to control your thoughts and actions,” Johnson declared. He then delivered the sharper line: “You know the difference between cannibals and liberals? Cannibals eat only their enemies.”

Johnson found no lasting political relief and announced in March 1968 that he would devote his remaining time in office to ending the war and would not seek reelection. Goodwin says Mamdani would be foolish to ignore the warning signs now emerging from his comrades.

The ICE shooting showed how quickly their loyalty could collapse when Mamdani refuses to embrace every demand. Meanwhile, common-sense-minded New Yorkers see keeping the popular and successful Tisch at the NYPD as his best decision, particularly after record-low crime rates during her tenure.

More tests are inevitable because police work produces incidents that anger the cop hating far left. If Mamdani and Tisch eventually take opposing positions in a major case, their carefully cultivated relationship could collapse, forcing the mayor to choose between public safety and the socialist movement that carried him into City Hall.